2014年3月30日 星期日

0331 2014 一

台湾で大規模デモ、対中貿易協定に反対

2014年03月31日 07:38 発信地:台北/台湾 【写真】 【ブログ】
関連写真 1/18
台湾・台北(Taipei)の総統府前で行われたデモで、「台湾は売り物じゃない」などと書かれたプラカードを掲げる参加者(2014年3月30日撮影)。(c)AFP/Mandy CHENG
【3月31日 AFP】台湾の台北(Taipei)で30日、台湾が中国と締結した「サービス貿易協定」の撤回を馬英九(Ma Ying-jeou)総統に求める大規模なデモが行われ、主催者発表で50万人、警察発表で12万人が参加した。
 馬総統は前日、中国と交わされる全協定の内容を監視する新法を導入するとの譲歩案を提示していたが、総統府につながる通りはこの日、黒シャツを着て「民主主義を守れ。サービス貿易協定を撤回しろ」と書かれたはちまきを着けるなどした人々で埋め尽くされた。
「馬総統の提案は善意のように見えるが、注意深く見るとわれわれの要求に応えていないことは明らかだ」と学生らを率いる陳為廷 (Chen Wei-ting)氏が演説すると、群衆からは万雷の拍手が起こった。「われわれは国民の決意を示すためにここに集まったのだ」
 集会が平穏に解散するにあたり、学生リーダーの林飛帆(Lin Fei-fan) 氏は「皆さんは台湾の歴史に新たな章を書き入れた…この勝利は台湾のすべての人のものだ」と群衆に語った。「この集会は、台湾と中国の関係を規定する力を われわれに与えるものだ。台湾の未来は台湾国民全員のものであり、われわれの未来は自分たち自身で決めるのだと、政府に言いたい」
 台北では、デモ隊による立法院(国会)の占拠が3月18日から続いており、現在でも約200人が議場にとどまっている。1週間前には、デモ隊の一部が行政院(内閣)の建物内に突入し、強制排除に乗り出した警察と衝突、100人以上が負傷した。
 林氏は、民意の反映に失敗した立法院の占拠はまだ続くだろうと述べている。(c)AFP/Benjamin YEH




多數民主制宣布馬政府非法。


又是霏總統說的。
總統們,請聽人民的指揮。
夜間3-4點大雨"凌晨三點才下大雨,果真上蒼佑台。"、9點起
下午江玉國來談 獨立董事沒啦


吳國維同學談

我終於懂了,對台商和國內財團,最有利的,是貨物貿易協定,可以關稅減免,可是,大陸卻要求先簽定服貿之後,才簽貨貿.為何如此?主要是大陸透過服貿的簽訂,就可以控制台灣社會的金融,物流和出版.因此,台灣民眾是用賣身契,來換取財團和台商的利益.

馬說貨物貿易協定已談到8成多。他有溝通嗎。





下午小江來談,互贈小禮。

2014年3月29日 星期六

0329 2014 六 傍晚大陣雨

總統馬英九29日下午6時召開記者會,回應學運團體的4項訴求,但學運團體不接受,認為馬英九都是老調重彈,晚間10時30分召開記者會回應馬英九,總指揮林飛帆表示,馬英九並沒有做出實質承諾,且對於「先立法、再審查」,已明確拒絕。
林飛帆表示,台灣社會在馬政府的一意孤行,付出極高的社會成本,今天的記者會未從馬英九的口中得到實質意義的承諾,針對核心訴求先立法再審查,馬英九已經明確拒絕。
林飛帆說,馬英九沒具體承諾由立法院制定的監督審查機制,也沒保障人民參與實質決策的審議,兩岸監督機制恐淪為行政命令。
對於324的強制驅離,林飛帆表示,無法接受馬英九力挺江宜樺與王卓鈞的執法過程合法,這是國家暴力最真實的展現。

10萬黑潮 今湧凱道

6千憲警鎮守 學生堅持和平




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學運風暴 第12天
【綜合報導】10萬黑潮今襲凱道!反服貿學生號召的330佔凱道活動今下午登場,逾10萬群眾將身穿黑衣在凱道向馬政府抗議;為因應這場大規模抗爭,並防範23日佔領行政院情況再發生,憲警共出動6千人維安警戒。學運總指揮林飛帆和陳為廷昨強調,馬始終未回應人民訴求,學生退無可退,因此以和平、非暴力方式走上街頭,溫柔且堅定地對馬說:「你錯了!」
面對這場雙方意志大對決,反服貿學生及公民團體昨早舉行記者會表示,今下午1時起開始在凱道集結並靜坐至3時,3時到晚上7時,將有律師、學生代表等上台重申學生4大訴求,晚上7時後凱道主舞台準時熄燈,將號召民眾重回立法院「精神堡壘」。主持記者會的綠色公民行動聯盟祕書長崔愫欣強調,絕不會佔領總統府。 


風雨無阻
昨晚突下起大雨,但在立院外靜坐抗爭的學生仍不肯離去。黃靖文攝

學生怒吼絕不倒下

而為了避免活動擦槍走火,陳為廷與林飛帆昨不斷與各公民團體研究在現場「非暴力」抗爭原則,除了練習手勾手抗爭操演,也緊急徵調300多名糾察隊;學生非常擔心晚上7時後群眾不肯跟著回立院,不斷宣傳「和平」訴求,確保戰果。
昨各地動員參與佔凱道活動情況熱烈,公民團體運用電子報、網路文宣公告,至昨晚已有60個團體表態動員,中南部各校學生和民間社團動員已逾1.5萬人。林飛帆也透過「黑色島國」發出動員令,請全台所有青年參與這場聖戰,而昨晚突然狂風暴雨,數千名在立院外的學生冒著大雨靜坐、不願離開,許多人眼泛淚光悲壯怒吼:「事情還沒結束,我們絕不倒下!」彷彿在等待今天決戰。 


嚴陣以待
今天學運預估10萬人席捲凱道,總統府前昨晚已架起拒馬,戒備森嚴。 周永受攝

反恐部隊進駐府內

為了防範活動失控,總統府從昨天中午起就草木皆兵,不僅四周架起拒馬,加派警力把守各入口,同時也有攝影機隨時蒐證,附近居民要出入,必須說出居住在哪一棟、哪一層樓等詳細資訊,才能進入。
負責統籌中樞維安的總統府侍衛室已召集國安單位、憲兵202指揮部連日會商,規劃維安兵力。據了解,憲兵已部署近千名憲兵,負責總統府與總統中興寓所維安;憲兵中最精銳部隊、負責反恐的「夜鷹」特勤隊,約20人前晚已進駐府內。
警政署則投入5000多名警力,分布在交通密集處及各部會,高壓噴水車也停放在府前待命,雙北霹靂小組及40名維安特勤隊也待命支援。警方表示,330活動合法集會時間是到明天凌晨0時,屆時若凱道還有民眾逗留,會先採柔性方式勸離,若不離開,鎮暴警察就會進行柔性驅離。 

馬回應學生籲退場

馬總統昨在傍晚時舉行記者會,在抗爭前夕回應學生4大訴求。他先表示明確承諾支持兩岸協議監督機制法制化,希望立院朝野黨團盡可能在本會期結束前完成。
其次針對學生所提先立法、再審服貿訴求,馬說,服貿協議已在立院審查,若朝野立委能盡速完成兩岸協議監督機制法制化,未來尚未簽訂或簽訂後尚未送到立院的兩岸協議,都可由此監督機制監督,對於已簽訂且送到立院審查的協議,「可同時進行審查,並行不悖」。
其三對於學生要求召開公民憲政會議,馬說,要如何促成如「國是會議」、「公民憲政會議」、「經貿國是諮詢會議」等的舉行,他已要求政院整體評估,廣徵各界意見,會盡速將評估結論告訴大家。
最後對於學生退回服貿訴求,馬明確拒絕。他強調這對台灣造成的傷害太大了!他還呼籲學生「應可考慮把議場還給國會了」。 


為避免「330上凱道」遭強制驅離,學生們昨演練如何阻擋、延長被驅離的時間。黃靖文攝
學生4訴求vs.馬總統回應
330凱道集結路線圖



學運領袖陳為廷昨奮力呼籲全國人民站出來。沈君帆攝

批馬仍搞不懂訴求

馬總統在凱道活動前夕的喊話,抗議學生顯然不領情,昨立院議場學生不時有人舉起倒拇指手勢,當馬最後表示「天佑台灣」時,現場一片噓聲。學運行動總指揮陳為廷昨接受壹電視專訪時觀看馬記者會,他搖頭直說,馬好像沒看新聞或網路,不懂學生訴求是什麼。
學運總指揮林飛帆昨晚10時30分舉行記者會表示,儘管馬總統善意回應,實際上針對核心訴求,也就是先立法再審查,已明確拒絕。
林飛帆說,第一,學生要求兩岸協議監督機制法制化是由立院制定專法,然而馬總統未放棄透過行政命令來規範,於是兩岸協議監督機制法制化可能僅淪為行政命令;第二,馬總統沒有具體承諾一套由立法院制定的監督審查機制,而在未完成法制化的狀況下進行服貿審議,張慶忠30秒事件可能一再發生;第三,公民憲政會議應由公民團體邀集各方共同召開,不應由行政權處理。
林飛帆說,在4項訴求都未得到具體而實質承諾狀況下,今天凱道行動不會停」,「我們也會持續佔領國會,不會離開」。 


下午與林博宏---小林,師大國文博士生---大談:他博士論文談易--最早治莊子

王夫之。(西元1619~1692)字而農,號薑齋,明末衡陽人。永歷時授行人,輾轉桂、粵間,入清,隱晦不仕,最後歸衡陽石船山,後學稱船山先生;其學以漢儒為門戶,以宋五子為堂奧,推陳出新,論多創闢,身遭明亡之痛,尤富種族思想,著有船山遺書行世。

 校園散步    我看臺大與東海校園的發展 2014.4 社科院等等


傍晚大陣雨 聽馬一延再延的記者會 真是巧言令色的小人
晚上 defriend 杰 
小改ooc

吳介民
https://docs.google.com/viewer?a=v&pid=sites&srcid=ZGVmYXVsdGRvbWFpbnx3dWppZWhtaW58Z3g6YmI0MjQyMjE2ZjVlOGY0

2014年3月28日 星期五

0328 2014 五



半夜看一部殺無赦Unforgiven

所以10點半才起床。第一次日文課缺席,實在離譜。

晚餐春風微笑請燕回國540 終於踏出國門。

晚上defriend 同學林康。
















許久沒參加文學院音樂會。現在說明都採用雙面彩色印刷。

實際有 呂女士幫忙翻譯....

No.170 文學院音樂會──Raga Beats──印度塔布拉鼓演奏




點擊圖片可瀏覽相關圖片
最新1期《經濟學人》(Economist)以〈懸在兩難的鹿茸上-台灣總統馬英九的雄心與公眾對中國的疑心相衝撞〉為題,分析馬英九期待留下穩定的兩岸 關係,被雙方人民視為英雄的夢想看來是要失望收場。圖:翻攝網路
新頭殼newtalk2014.03.28 洪聖斐/編譯報導

318學運持續成為國際媒體關心的焦點。最新1期《經濟學人》(Economist)以〈懸在兩難的鹿茸上-台灣總統馬英九的雄心與公眾對中國的疑心相衝撞〉為題,分析馬英九期待留下穩定的兩岸關係,被雙方人民視為英雄的夢想看來是要失望收場。

《經濟學人》這篇分析報導提到,馬可能是受到在兩岸都受到尊崇的孫文啟發,期待能藉著扮演促成歷史性和解的領導者角色,受到雙方人民的懷念。然而,台灣與 中國的和解依舊非常遙遠。曾經是國民黨內最受歡迎政治人物的馬英九,在去年秋天的民調跌到個位數,被反對黨譏笑為「9趴總統」。

這篇報導描述,馬英九跟中國政治局任何1位國務委員一個樣,頭髮梳理整齊、光鮮亮麗。坐在台北總統府受訪的他,也和那些中南海的領導人一樣,不願意承認有任何策略上的根本缺陷。

這篇報導指出,改善對中國關係一直是馬政府的施政核心。在與中國簽定21項協議後,馬英九下一步想要的是馬習會。馬英九希望能在APEC與習近平會晤。畢 竟APEC的會員是經濟體,而不是國家。香港也是APEC的會員,所以兩岸領導人在APEC見面,比較不會挑戰中國把台灣視為一個省的立場。在中方提出異 議後,馬表示在其他地方會晤,也不是不可能。

這篇報導分析,此事也解釋了目前台灣反服貿抗議欲動並非只是單純的本地問題。學生佔領國會的行動與反服貿的論述,反映出大眾對於馬英九本人以及對兩岸經濟統合的高度不信任。抗議群眾把馬英九描繪成中國的丑角,還要尋找失蹤老人馬英九。他的鹿茸是鹿耳毛之說也成為笑柄。

馬英九說人民很支持馬習會,但民進黨的吳釗燮卻宣稱此舉事實上只會讓國民黨在2016年總統大選受傷。馬英九說在他任內對美關係是1979年(台美斷交) 以來最好的階段,但其他人都很懷疑。當美國要「重返亞洲」時,甚少提到對台灣的承諾。相反地,「棄台論」卻不時出現在各種刊物上。

這篇報導結論時指出,馬英九試圖在失敗主義和冒進主義間走1條中間路線,但台灣人民似乎對他相當有戒心。台灣人民的現實主義傾向以及民進黨的自相殘殺,或許會使2016年的總統又是國民黨人,但馬英九留下歷史地位的美夢,大概是要失望收場了。

On the antlers of a dilemma
The ambitions of Ma Ying-jeou, Taiwan’s president, collide with popular suspicion of China Mar 29th 2014 | From the print edition




THE fresh-faced good looks have been lined and drawn by the cares of office. His immaculate English is forsaken for the dignity of immaculate Mandarin. Patient replies to questions come wearily, as if said many times before. Yet, six years into his presidency, Ma Ying-jeou’s hair remains as lush and jet-black as any Chinese Politburo member’s. And, speaking in the presidential palace in Taipei, he remains as unwilling as any leader in Beijing to admit to any fundamental flaws in strategy.

Perhaps Mr Ma draws inspiration from his portrait of Sun Yat-sen, founder of his ruling party, the Kuomintang (KMT), and, in 1912, of the Republic of China to which Taiwan’s government still owes its name. Sun is revered as a nationalist hero not just by the KMT but, across the Taiwan Strait, by the Chinese Communist Party too. Mr Ma may also hope to be feted on both sides of the strait—in his case as a leader responsible for a historic rapprochement. For now, however, reconciliation between Taiwan and China remains distant. And Mr Ma, once the KMT’s most popular politician, is taunted by opponents as the “9% president”, a reference to his approval ratings in opinion polls last autumn.
In this section
Manning the trade barriers
Seasons of abundance
Lost
Runners and riders
The big squeeze
On the antlers of a dilemma
Reprints
Related topics
Democratic Progressive Party (Taiwan)
International relations
Political policy
Diplomacy
Economic integration

Improving relations with China has been the central theme of his administration, after the tensions of eight years of rule by the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), which leans towards declaring formal independence from the mainland. Mr Ma can boast of 21 agreements signed with China. He reels off the numbers of two fast-integrating economies: a tenfold increase in six years in mainland tourists to Taiwan, to 2.85m in 2013; cross-strait flights from none at all to 118 every day; two-way trade, including with Hong Kong, up to $160 billion a year.

China’s strategy to reabsorb Taiwan is plain. As the island’s economy becomes more intertwined with that of the vast mainland, China thinks, resistance to unification will wane. Then Taiwan becomes an “autonomous” part of China—like Hong Kong, though allowed its own army. Taiwan will return to the motherland without resort to the missiles and increasingly powerful armed forces ranged against it. But as Mr Ma sees it, cross-strait “rapprochement” is a first line of defence against Chinese aggression, since “a unilateral move by the mainland to change the status quo by non-peaceful means would come at a dear price”. Politics in Taiwan is framed as a debate about independence or unification but is really about preserving the status quo.

The next step in rapprochement with China would be a meeting between political leaders. In February in Nanjing, once the capital of a KMT government of all China, ministers from China and Taiwan held their first formal meeting since 1949. Mr Ma hoped to meet China’s president, Xi Jinping, in Beijing this November, at the Asia-Pacific Economic Co-operation (APEC) summit. To accommodate Hong Kong and Taiwan, APEC’s members are not “countries” but “economies”. So Mr Xi and Mr Ma could meet as “economic leaders”, sidestepping the tricky protocol that usually dogs relations, with China viewing Taiwan as a mere province. The Chinese demurred. But Mr Ma thinks a meeting somewhere is “not outside the realm of possibility”.

This backdrop explains why a protest movement against a services-trade agreement with the mainland is more than a little local difficulty for Mr Ma. Students occupying parliament have resorted to undemocratic means, and many of the arguments they and the DPP make about the trade agreement are specious. But they have tapped a vein of popular mistrust of Mr Ma and of economic integration with the mainland. A split persists between native Taiwanese, on the island for generations, and mainlanders, like Mr Ma, whose families came over as the KMT lost the civil war in the 1940s. Protesters portray Mr Ma as either a mainland stooge or as clueless and out of touch. In the occupied parliament, student caricatures give him antlers, a reference to a slip he once made when he appeared to suggest that the deer-antlers used in Chinese medicine were in fact hair from the animal’s ears.

Mr Ma says public opinion supports a “Ma-Xi” summit. Joseph Wu of the DPP, however, claims such a meeting would actually damage the KMT in the next presidential election, due in 2016; rather, he says, Mr Ma is trying to leave a personal legacy. The DPP’s lead in the polls alarms not just the Chinese government but also America, which could do without another flare-up in a dangerous region. The stronger China grows, the more Taiwan’s security depends on commitments from America. It switched diplomatic recognition to Beijing in 1979, but Congress then passed a law obliging it to help Taiwan defend itself.

All political lives end…

Mr Ma says relations with America are better than they have ever been at least since 1979 and perhaps before. Others are doubtful. In all the talk of America’s “pivot” to Asia, its promises to Taiwan are rarely mentioned. Many in Taiwan paid attention when John Mearsheimer, an American academic, suggested in the National Interest, a policy journal, that there is “a reasonable chance American policymakers will eventually conclude that it makes good strategic sense to abandon Taiwan and to allow China to coerce it into accepting unification.” For some, abandonment is a fact of life and unification a matter of time. “No one is on our side strategically, diplomatically, politically; we have to count on China’s goodwill,” an academic in Taipei argues.

Mr Ma has tried to steer what seems a sensible middle course between such defeatism and the adventurism of those in the DPP who would like to confront and challenge China. But he sounds weary with the effort, and Taiwan’s people seem weary of him. Their pragmatism and the DPP’s internecine strife may yet see them elect another KMT president in 2016. But if Mr Ma hoped to leave office with cross-strait relations stabilised, and with his own role as an historic peacemaker recognised on both sides and around the world, he seems likely to be disappointed. - See more at: http://www.economist.com/news/asia/21599812-ambitions-ma-ying-jeou-taiwans-president-collide-popular-suspicion-china#sthash.74E8Fq3f.dpuf



2014年3月26日 星期三

0327 2014 四 sunflower


江燦騰0410·
從向日葵到太陽花
這兩個不同名稱,其實都指涉同樣的一種植物花朵,但兩者的意義,如今已完全不同.後者只有放在此次學運的命名之後的象徵意義,才能清楚了解.它有特定的時空性和其所代表的相關象徵事物,例如和香蕉或大腸的關聯性,而這非對此深有了解的人,是看不清真相和特有的趣味性的.
也正是在於有這樣的新轉變成分出現,我們才可以不斷看到很多根據太陽花的象徵性,來不斷從事新創作的大量相關文化作品.





關於太陽花的一些回憶。
近10日的學運,才讓我知道向日葵又叫太陽花。想想很有道理,英文叫sunflower。
我們台中人都知道有個太陽堂,太陽餅很有名。少數的人知道它設立時請了名家在璧上弄"向日葵"濕壁畫?,因為被國民黨政府壓迫有通共匪之嫌,將壁畫土塵數十年,解嚴之後才見真面目https://www.google.com.tw/search?hl=en&biw=1138&bih=526&site=imghp&tbm=isch&sa=1&q











Google Images



半夜,沒有背景音樂。我在想佔領國會內外場的那群年輕人,不知道怎樣表達我的敬意和謝意。
我就說一則太陽花的故事,供大家參考。....
今天郝明義先生似乎也到內場去為你們加油。
我的故事由他的出版社1997年出版的一本書說起:

WWW.新家庭 : 開創網路時代的親子學習文化
The connected family : bridging the digital generation gap
作者: 西摩.帕博/著
原文作者:Seymour Papert
譯者:李鐏龍,賴慈芸,周文萍
出版社:大塊文化
出版日期:1997
作者是一位任教於MIT的老師。他其實是個數學天才。60-80年代關於認知發展心裡學的著作Mindstorm等很有名。
1997年,台灣的網路業也開始發達,我公司因有一位臺大四年級同學的幫忙,很快就有自己的網站。

我開始介紹MIT的媒體實驗室以及Seymour Papert 所創的第一個網路兒童雜誌The connected family.....

我印象最深刻的是,Papert 的網路連結識是在一大朵太陽花上頭(一般像Facebook等是採用線性的,上下排列的;他的那朵太陽花也是用數學演算出來的。 (由於作者在世紀之交,在越南河內發生很嚴重的車禍,可能只保住一命而已......

我要說的是,希望我們下回看太陽花時,不只想到藝術中的,也可以想到數學中的,以及你們這一場轟轟烈烈的革命。



現在我的blog "人物 People" ,每天約有數百人造訪,約是我的朋友數之幾倍。現在非常時期,所以上網的人物都一點。
http://hcpeople.blogspot.tw/



WWW.新家庭 : 開創網路時代的親子學習文化
: bridging the digital generation gap

作者: 西摩.帕博/著
原文作者:
譯者:李鐏龍,賴慈芸,周文萍
出版社:大塊文化
出版日期:1997

http://hcbooks.blogspot.tw/2014/03/the-connected-family-bridging-digital.html
The Connected Family: Bridging the Digital Generation Gap, by Seymour Papert; What the Internet of 2025 Might Look Like

http://hcpeople.blogspot.tw/


高為邦: 台灣政府開放人民幣存款,請問你虧了多少?


人的思想總有慣性,這或許是學費吧,只有將18%的利得拿去助中國之威的,才不用反思。

3.26行政院的記者會的照片集之手法,
讓我想起中共打擊"1989年64天安門大屠殺"運動者的手法。
大屠殺過1-2年, 我到上海出差,住某國際大飯店。
我在其中的書局看到中共編的一本圖書: 
盡是解放軍被屠殺示眾的照片。


親愛的朋友,如果你認為佔領國會可以,攻進行政院就太過分,我理解。雖然我認為行政院並沒有那麼神聖,江院長背叛自己對言論自由的信仰,不配曾經做一個研究漢娜‧鄂蘭的政治學者,做院長是一時,做一個有自由魂的知識份子是一生,他此生將永遠失落。行政院副秘書長蕭家淇是一個挑剔的太陽餅口味堅持者,他證明了馬政府核心團隊成員的素質低落。

楊索 (2): 幾乎天天到現場
見過一次面的朋友,在我臉書留言強烈指責,我做以下的回應。指責內容貼於文末。守正好:在這場學運,我是外圍的一般群眾,我支持這場學運,幾乎天天到現場,然後我在臉書寫下我的看法,做補位角色,我從來就不是甚麼社會賢達。


323突襲進佔行政院,上千名警力血腥鎮壓,讓我們度過最漫長..

傅斯年在國民黨的地位和風骨,連蔣介石都要讓他三分。 所以他領導的臺大,蔣將它視為其權力不應介入的地方。
所以用傅先生當標準,來責成接下來的官僚科層下的臺大校長,有點強求,因為傅斯年校長的地位是可一不可再的。
現在的臺大校長,當另有小點規模的風骨和氣度。

他會後受訪時表示,經濟部部長張家祝說某些抗議《海峽兩岸服務貿易協議》的學者「誤國」、「害台」,是「另類語言暴力」;行政院院長江宜樺見過抗議學生後,記者會上卻說他們「均屬誤導」,他質疑許多反對意見難道「一點可用的都沒有?」http://www.appledaily.com.tw/realtimenews/article/new/20140326/367750/


國家暴力知多少
· ·

  • Hanching Chung 現在,社會一面倒譴責暴力鎮壓,江宜樺招架無力,越說越引起反感。但攻擊是最好的防守,既然無法正面爭取人心,不如轉而醜化學運,爆料其內鬥和隱私,揭發背後的陰謀,摧毀其純潔性和正當性。 http://www.appledaily.com.tw/....../forum/20140327/35728456/


    www.appledaily.com.tw
    馬英九對學運的訴求,堅持不讓步,他的說法像念經一樣,不斷重複,根本沒有誠意。他為什麼這樣強硬,其實有他的苦衷,因為兩岸關係是他執政的基本點,...

  • Hanching Chung (承 上)說學生有暴力傾向,這是無的放矢。相反的,警方的盾牌和木棍打得學生滿臉是血,這不是江院長一句行使公權力可以卸責。江宜樺本來在學界有一定風評,當 了閣揆做了最重要的一件事,就是下令警方行使公權力,強力鎮壓學運,把許多學生打得頭破血流,他一生的形象,全毀了。他心中也許有很大委曲,卻必須當砲 灰,以報馬的知遇之恩。此事必須有人負責,江肯定撐不了多久。

  • Hanching Chung 太陽花深化台民主

    學運不是園遊會,中間一定有許多不愉快,各國皆然,但太陽花與歐美學運比較,不論目標、秩序、策略和領導素質各方面,都可圈可點,對台灣的民主深化深具意義,讓人對未來增加不少信心。



    國民黨在立法院擁有穩定的多數席位,這意味着該黨有足夠的票數最終核准這一貿易協議,該協議是由代表中國大陸和台灣的半官方機構於2013年6月簽署的。
    台北市國立研究機構中央研究院政治科學研究學者林繼文說,「政府一直在儘可能低調地做這件事。」
    「政府不想讓社會來討論這件事,只想在短時間內將協議通過。這不僅僅引起學生的憤怒,還引起了公眾的憤怒。」----紐約時報
    · ·
    台北國立政治大學國際關係研究中心助理研究員陳至潔說,「貿易問題的背後一直都隱藏着主權問題。這是一種獨特的台灣擔憂。我認為這個服務貿易協議是馬英九總統向著與中國大陸達成和平協議、或與其增進基本關係而邁出的一步。」---紐約時報
    · ·


    台灣官方稱強制驅散抗議學生有理

    台灣台北——台灣行政院院長江宜樺周一表示,政府在當天早些時候將示威者強制驅離行政院是有理由的。與此同時,學生為抗議一項與中國大陸簽訂的貿易協議而繼續佔領立法院。
    行政院院長江宜樺說,「昨天晚上所發生的,不是街頭上的遊 行而由警察鎮壓,相反地,是抗爭民眾衝進行政院,要企圖佔領這所大樓,破壞我們的行政運作。」他指的是內閣的辦公樓。至少有110人受傷,其中包括52名 警官,警察使用了木棒,後來還使用了鎮暴水車來阻擋不斷擴大的抗議人群。在一份網上發表的聲明中,自上周以來一直佔領着立法院的抗議者稱,他們「嚴厲譴責 對手無寸鐵的學生採取的暴力行動」。
    江宜樺說,周一早上警察清理行政院大樓時逮捕了61人,其中有35人可能會被起訴。
    政府現在面臨的問題正在擴大,一些學生組織已經呼籲在台灣全島罷工停課,以讓更多的人能到首都台北市參加抗議活動,台灣是一個擁有2300萬人口的自治島嶼。
    在抗議者被清理幾小時之後,江宜樺周一在行政院舉行的為時一個小時的記者會上呼籲學生不要推動罷工。
    他說,「這件事情的本質,是來自於社會各界對於服務貿易協議的簽署以及未來的審議有不同的意見,但是,絕對沒有理由構成以這個事件、以這樣的議題為藉口去發動全國性的罷工、罷課。」
    這項與大陸簽訂的貿易協議將允許兩岸在一系列服務領域、從銀行業乃至殮葬館,進行投資,協議觸及了人們關心的一些根本性問題,包括台灣的獨裁歷史、以及台灣與中國大陸之間令人不安的關係,不斷崛起的中國認為台灣島是其領土的一部分,最終必將與大陸實現統一。
    雖然許多參加抗議的學生徹頭徹尾地反對這一協議,但其他抗議者則稱,他們支持降低某些行業的貿易壁壘。他們說,他們最本質上反對的是這一協議在台灣立法院通過的方式。執政黨國民黨的黨員強行將這一動議提交至立法院進行投票,而沒有對協議進行承諾的逐條審查。
    對此,反對黨民進黨大呼作弊。很多抗議者把國民黨的做法稱為「獨裁」,這個尖銳指責暗示着在20世紀80年代、90年代的民主化之前,國民黨曾在台灣獨攬大權的歷史。
    學生領袖林飛帆周日在被佔領的立法院的講台上喊道,「政令宣導,罔顧民意,既不民主,又無法治。」
    國民黨在立法院擁有穩定的多數席位,這意味着該黨有足夠的票數最終核准這一貿易協議,該協議是由代表中國大陸和台灣的半官方機構於2013年6月簽署的。
    台北市國立研究機構中央研究院政治科學研究學者林繼文說,「政府一直在儘可能低調地做這件事。」
    「政府不想讓社會來討論這件事,只想在短時間內將協議通過。這不僅僅引起學生的憤怒,還引起了公眾的憤怒。」
    馬英九總統把與中國大陸建立更密切的關係作為其主要目標之 一,他說,該協議對維持台灣的經濟競爭力至關重要。他說,沒有這一協議,台灣就不能與其他國家和貿易組織簽訂協議,比如以美國為主導的跨太平洋夥伴關係 (Trans-Pacific Partnership,簡稱TPP)組織,該協議也是2010年與大陸簽訂的兩岸經濟合作框架的一個後續協議。
    中國大陸與台灣之間的貿易在馬英九執政的6年期間快速增長,貿易額幾乎翻了一番,去年達到1970億美元。但是有關貿易協議的一些爭議圍繞着一種擔憂,那就是中國大陸可能會利用經濟來進一步強化對台灣的主權。
    台北國立政治大學國際關係研究中心助理研究員陳至潔說,「貿易問題的背後一直都隱藏着主權問題。這是一種獨特的台灣擔憂。我認為這個服務貿易協議是馬英九總統向著與中國大陸達成和平協議、或與其增進基本關係而邁出的一步。」
    佔領立法院的學生說,他們將繼續抗議,直到該貿易協議被退回立法院進行逐條審查為止,他們還呼籲通過另一項法律,通過該法來更嚴格地審查與中國大陸簽訂的協議。
    與對待行政院的抗議不同,政府對佔領立法院的行動表示出暫時的容忍。江宜樺說,「立法院是一個民意代表聚集討論國家法律及其他政務的地方,有時我們也會看到,立法院里因為大家意見還沒有辦法獲得共識而暫時會停擺幾天。」
    王霜舟(Austin Ramzy)是《紐約時報》記者。
    翻譯:張亮亮

    Taiwan Defends Use of Force Against Protesters

     TAIPEI, Taiwan — Taiwan’s prime minister said on Monday that the government had been justified in using force to remove demonstrators from the cabinet building earlier in the day, as students continued to occupy the legislature in a protest against a trade bill with China.
    “What happened yesterday wasn’t police suppressing a street march,” Prime Minister Jiang Yi-huah said. “It was protesters breaking into the Executive Yuan, trying to occupy this building and paralyze our administrative workings,” he added, referring to the cabinet building. At least 110 people, including 52 police officers, were injured as the police wielded wooden clubs and later used water trucks to block the expanded protest. In a statement posted online, the protesters who have occupied the legislature, or Legislative Yuan, since last week said that they “strongly condemn the violence against the unarmed, weaponless students.”
    Mr. Jiang said that 61 people were arrested when police cleared the building Monday morning, and that 35 of them faced possible prosecution.
    The government faces broadening concerns, as some student groups have now called for a work and school strike across this self-governed island of 23 million to allow more to attend the demonstrations in Taipei, the capital.
    In an hourlong news conference Monday at the Executive Yuan, just hours after it had been cleared of demonstrators, Mr. Jiang urged students not to push for a strike.
    “The nature of this matter is that all levels of society have different views as to the signing of the service trade agreement, but that is no reason to use as a pretext for a national work and school strike,” he said.
    The China trade bill, which would allow cross-strait investment on dozens of service trades ranging from banking to funeral parlors, has touched deep roots of concern, including Taiwan’s own history of authoritarian rule and its uneasy relationship with China, an emerging giant that considers the island part of its own territory that must eventually be reunited.
    While many of the student demonstrators oppose the deal outright, others say that they support lowering trade barriers on some industries. Their most fundamental objection, they say, is to the way the deal was moved through Taiwan’s legislature. Members of the Kuomintang, the governing party, forced the motion through to the legislative floor without a promised item-by-item review.
    The opposition Democratic Progressive Party cried foul. Many demonstrators have described the moves by the Kuomintang as “authoritarian,” a pointed reference to the party’s all-powerful role in Taiwan before democratization in the 1980s and ‘90s.
    “Spread propaganda and ignore the opinion of the public, this is neither democracy nor rule of law,” a student leader, Lin Fei-fan, chanted from the rostrum of the occupied legislature Sunday.
    The Kuomintang holds a comfortable margin in the legislature, meaning it can eventually ratify the trade pact, which was signed by semiofficial organizations representing Taiwan and China in June 2013.
    “What the government has been doing is trying to play this as low-profile as possible,” said Lin Jih-wen, a political science research fellow at Academia Sinica, a state-funded research institution in Taipei.
    “It doesn’t want society to discuss this and wanted to just pass this in a short period of time. That exposed not only the outrage of the students but also the general public.”
    President Ma Ying-jeou, who has made closer relations with China a key goal, says the accord is necessary for Taiwan to maintain its economic competitiveness. He says that without this pact, which is a follow-up agreement to the 2010 Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement between the two sides, Taiwan will be unable to pursue agreements with other countries and trade organizations, like the United States-led trans-Pacific Partnership.
    Trade between China and Taiwan has rapidly expanded during Mr. Ma’s six years in office, nearly doubling to reach $197 billion last year. But some of the debate over the trade pact revolves around concerns that China may use economics to further its claims to Taiwan.
    “Sovereignty lurks behind this at all times,” said Titus C. Chen, an associate research fellow at the Institute of International Relations at National Chengchi University in Taipei. “It’s a unique Taiwan concern. I think this service agreement is just one more building block for President Ma to inch toward a peace agreement or fundamental relations with China.”
    The students occupying the legislature say that they will continue their protest until the trade bill is returned to committee for an itemized review, and they have asked for passage of a law that will allow for closer scrutiny of agreements with China.
    Unlike the protest in the Executive Yuan, the government has expressed a willingness to tolerate the occupation of the legislature for the time being. “The Legislative Yuan is a place for the people’s representatives to discuss laws and governmental affairs, and sometimes, because there isn’t consensus, things stop for several days,” Mr. Jiang said.


     關於太陽花的一些回憶。
    近10日的學運,才讓我知道向日葵又叫太陽花。想想很有道理,英文叫sunflower。
    我們台中人都知道有個太陽堂,太陽餅很有名。少數的人知道它設立時請了名家在璧上弄"向日葵"濕壁畫?,因為被國民黨政府壓迫有通共匪之嫌,將壁畫土塵數十年,解嚴之後才見真面目
     https://www.google.com.tw/search?hl=en&biw=1138&bih=526&site=imghp&tbm=isch&sa=1&q

學生要能成功,台灣的民主化才能更上一層樓。才能保證重要決策人民可參與制定,而不是政客一手包辦。
What unprecedented protest means for Taiwan
By Cindy Sui
BBC News, Taipei
Riot police clash with student protesters outside the Executive Yuan, a branch of government in charge of administrative affairs for all of Taiwan on 24 March 2014 in Taipei, Taiwan
The student protesters say they want to protect Taiwan's future and have their voices heard
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The unprecedented student occupation of Taiwan's parliament this month, to oppose the government's attempt to pass a controversial trade agreement with China, is not just a one-off protest.

It is part of a wave of citizen campaigns that have shaken Taiwanese society. At their core are young people disillusioned by both the ruling and opposition parties.

In recent years there have been several similar campaigns, albeit less dramatic.

These include one that successfully pressured the government to turn down construction of a petrochemical plant, a 100,000-strong protest over the death of a conscript mistreated in boot camp, and continuing opposition to the construction of a fourth nuclear power plant.

The movements are spread largely by grassroots groups and social media. The participants tend to be ordinary people who want their voices heard, and want to protect Taiwan's future.

Student protesters sit next to a caricature poster of Taiwan's President Ma Ying-jeou as ongoing protests against a trade agreement with mainland China continue at the parliament in Taipei on 25 March 2014
Protesters have been occupying Taiwan's parliament for almost two weeks
Rising young democrats
Accounting student Charlies Liu, who skipped class and drove up to Taipei from Taichung city to join the student protest, echoed the views of many.

"I'm against the government carrying out behind-the-doors negotiations with China," Mr Liu said.

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What triggered the protests?

The immediate trigger was a trade deal that will allow Beijing and Taipei to invest more freely in each other's services markets
Protesters say the deal will hurt Taiwan's economy and leave it vulnerable to pressure from Beijing, but Taipei says it will benefit Taiwan's economy
The trade deal was signed last June but it has not yet been ratified by MPs
Protests began early last week after ruling party MPs said a joint committee had completed a review of the deal
Students first broke into the Taiwanese legislature last Tuesday and have since defied police efforts to evict them
Police clashed with more student protesters who occupied government headquarters on Monday
Almost 60 people were arrested and more than 100 were hurt
"You can't just force the agreements through. They involve the people. They will affect our generation. I'm worried many things are decided by the government, not the people."

Although the students are too young to have lived through the White Terror period of martial law, political suppression and lack of press and other freedoms, they are aware that Taiwan's democracy was hard won and that people power helped bring about legislative elections in the 1980s and the first presidential election in the 1990s.

Along with posting pictures ridiculing President Ma Ying-jeou, the students have put on the wall of the parliament chamber pictures of the previous generation of Taiwan's democracy activists.

They believe it is now up to them to protect Taiwan's democracy.

"In the past, our young people are not active in politics because their parents told them to just quietly go about your studies, because the parents lived through the 228 Incident [a 1947 massacre and political suppression]," said Shane Lee, a political science professor at Chang Jung Christian University.

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The students form a big chunk of the electorate - the parties have to open their minds to the young people”

Shane Lee
Political science professor
"But now the students, through their education or through the free flow of information, tell their parents that 'because you were so afraid of politics, that's why you have suffered what you have suffered. Because we know what's going on, we take matters into our own hands.' "

Over the nearly two-week protest, the students are no longer just asking for the government to cancel the agreement and do a thorough review.

They are insisting the two parties work constructively together to pass a law to supervise all future negotiations with Beijing and not sign any more agreements until such a law is passed.

The question is whether the political power-holders will heed the students' calls. Analysts say both parties risk alienating young people if they do not.

"The students form a big chunk of the electorate. The parties have to open their minds to the young people. They will have to really seriously deal with this situation," Prof Lee said.

Student protesters occupy the legislature the day after the clash with riot police at the Executive Yuan on 24 March 2014 in Taipei, Taiwan
Experts say the students today are more politically aware than in the past
Shining example
Mr Ma - who has long touted Taiwan's democracy as a shining example in Asia - has said a supervision mechanism already exists, as many of the agreements signed with China need to be ratified by parliament.

But the ruling Kuomintang party controls a majority of the legislative seats and the president controls the ruling party. The students and others in Taiwan are uncomfortable with this set-up.

The opposition Democratic Progressive Party finds itself sidelined. It has been criticised for unhelpful tactics - criticising without taking constructive action and seizing the podium, which have led to Taiwan's infamous parliament scuffles.

The students, meanwhile, seem organised and determined.

In a statement, they said: "We will not waver. Against an undemocratic and autocratic government, we stand strong and we stand united."

It is safe to assume that Beijing, which still claims the island as a province to be reunified one day, is watching nervously.

If the students succeed, it could mean a further democratisation of Taiwan, with additional safeguards to let the people, not any political party, decide the fate of the island.